the procession scene and the cargo boats.
In the first register, we see Sneferu seated on a litter, of which only the lower part survives. The litter is carried by a large group of attendants, surrounded by servants fanning him.
In the second register, his wealth is displayed: boats bringing him goods and products from all over Egypt. The cargo boats are shown with just a few sailors. In one of the black-and-white reference photos, the central boat shows four rowers, and another man sitting on bundles of rice, steering the rudder from the rear. The boat is moving from right to left. The helmsman has wrapped his arm around the rudder, while another man sits nearby, holding a goose and plucking its feathers with his foot braced against the back support.
Notice in all three boats that the prow is lower than the stern, and the cabin takes up a large part of the vessel since it is filled with goods. Because the artist couldn’t depict what was inside, he represented the cargo conventionally above the cabin.
This scene, spread across two registers, shows aspects of Egyptian life at the time. In the upper register,
goods are transported on sledges loaded with bundles of wheat and barley. In the lower register, boats travel along the Nile under oar-power. We see boats with 10, 16, and 14 oars, plus two additional steering oars each. Every boat also has two pilots at the prow, while the decorated cabins sit in the middle. The masts are lowered, meaning the journey is from south to north, against the wind, so they relied on rowing.
One curious detail: in the central boat, the rowers are standing, balancing themselves with one foot on the edge of the hull, which was unusual. An inscription records the commander shouting at the captain to “go straight ahead,” while the commander of the last boat orders, “Turn westward!”
Next, we move to a beautifully detailed scene known as
the offering of provisions.
It too is arranged in two registers. In the upper one, birds are brought as offerings; in the lower, fish. These offerings were meant to secure food and drink for the deceased in the afterlife.
In this scene stands a priest, drawn much larger than the other figures, leaning on a staff for support. Below, a boat floats on the river, which is traditionally represented as wavy, parallel bands. Fishermen are shown disembarking, though the river is drawn at a higher level than the bank—a convention rather than reality. The men in front carry very large fish, each holding one, except for the last man, whose catch is smaller and placed in a basket. On the boat itself are bundles of reeds and a sack, likely filled with more fish.
We then move to another vivid scene:
fishing with nets.
The Nile is painted as a long horizontal blue strip, filled with fish of many different species. Fishermen cast a large net, and inside it we see the kinds of fish that lived in the river more than 4,000 years ago. Thanks to scenes like this, we know what fish, plants, and animals were part of the Egyptian environment at that time.
This was a typical theme of daily life scenes painted on tomb walls, intended so that the tomb owner could continue enjoying the same details in the afterlife.
If we look closely at the fishing net, we notice that floats are attached to it, keeping it on the surface of the water. At the lower edge, heavier weights are fixed so that the bottom sinks down, making the net more efficient and effective for catching fish.
Here we see the chief fisherman, represented in the traditional way at the center. He does not take part in the fishing himself but directs the fishermen, holding a long staff with its tip tucked under his arm. Notice his kilt, or shendyt—its shape is unusual. Instead of the typical triangular form, it appears irregular and quadrilateral.
We then move to another scene:
a Nile voyage.
On the first boat we see Sneferu Ankh-Shefs seated on a chair. On the second boat, he is shown again, this time standing, leaning on his staff, and enjoying a peaceful trip on the river. A striking detail is his pet monkey, perched on the cabin roof of the first boat.
We also see the masts on both boats, with ropes holding the square sail stretched between an upper and lower beam. The sail is lowered, since the crew is using oars, indicating they were traveling from south to north. The first boat has 24 oarsmen, the second 16.
Next comes
the cattle procession scene.
It is shown in two registers: the upper one only preserves the lower part of a scene where cattle are brought before the deceased, while in the lower register servants carry offerings toward the tomb.
Then we arrive at the marshland hunting scene. This was a recurring theme in Old Kingdom tombs and carried deep religious meaning. It was not only a depiction of a favorite pastime of the tomb owner and his family during life, but also a symbolic activity.
We see two boats carrying Sneferu Ankh-Shefs’ family as they enjoy fishing with harpoons and hunting birds. A curious feature common in these tomb scenes is the way the water is drawn as if it rises upward, bringing the fish closer to the level of the hunter’s hands. This artistic convention highlights luxury and ease, suggesting that hunting was not laborious but a form of leisure and enjoyment.
In one section, the water is shown teeming with fish. In the same scene, we also see a traditional depiction of crocodiles locked in combat.
After that, we move to the scene of
The funeral procession.
This scene was composed of three registers. The first register is almost completely lost; only a few men can still be seen pulling a sledge that once carried the coffin of Sneferu-Ankh-Shepses. This was part of the funeral ritual. We also see the large quantities of offerings accompanying the procession.
In the second register, rowing boats appear, towing the larger boat that carries the coffin across the water.
Then, in the third register, we see a group of men pulling the boat with ropes from the shore, in the direction of the embalming house. The representation here is quite remarkable: water is shown as a curved strip above the land.
On the far right of the same register stands the chanting priest, reading spells and prayers from a papyrus roll. On the far left, a group of butchers are slaughtering a bull to be offered as a sacrifice for the soul of the deceased. Above them are fragments of the funerary furniture.
The whole procession is grand and impressive, something rarely depicted for a nobleman rather than a member of the royal family. It was a sign of the decline of royal authority in favor of the rising power of the provincial elites. And this is exactly why, after the 6th Dynasty, Egypt experienced the class or social revolution that led into the First Intermediate Period.
Next, we come to the scene of
The banquet
Here we see the deceased seated on a chair, with a table full of food in front of him, stretching out his hand to take a duck. What catches the eye is the pet monkey under his chair—likely the same monkey we saw earlier sitting on the roof of the boat cabin. The monkey here is also eating beneath the chair.
To the left, one of the servants is preparing his master’s bed so that he can rest for a while after the meal.
Now we move to a very important scene:
music and dance.
This scene is composed of two registers. In the upper register, a row of dancers raise their arms as if performing ballet. The lower register shows the deceased and his wife dining to the sound of music.
On the left we see an elegant lady—certainly Sneferu-Ankh-Shepses’ wife, named Khedu—sharing the meal with him as the music and dance continue. Their daughter, also named Khedu (after her mother), is shown playing the harp together with other musicians. She is the first figure on the left, her name written beside her.
Here we see a painted image of the whole musical ensemble: two harps played by two women, and a long flute played by a man. We notice that both the dancers and musicians wear wigs with plaited hair tied with ribbons at the back.
Then we move on to the
animal sacrifice scene,
one of the key motifs in Old Kingdom tombs.
The purpose of these depictions was to provide the deceased with an eternal supply of offerings, since representations on the walls could magically turn into real offerings in the afterlife.
These sacrificial scenes had a religious function: as we see, some offerings are shown coming from the desert, the land of the god Seth, the god of chaos. Thus, sacrifice and its depiction on tomb walls was a way of warding off evil—similar to later customs where an animal is sacrificed and its blood placed on doorways for protection.
We also see
The procession of offering bearers,
an exceptionally well-executed and refined scene.
All the women carrying offerings are dressed in identical transparent garments, wearing wigs and jewelry around their necks and arms. Each carries a beautifully woven basket of food, and each leads an animal ready for sacrifice—whether a bull, a goat, an ibex, or even, surprisingly, a hyena (and it’s not entirely clear whether the hyena was actually eaten or not). Some bring birds, others flowers.
Finally, we see
The funerary priests,
placing pieces of meat as offerings for the deceased while burning incense as part of the rituals that always accompanied funerals.
In short, these are the main scenes from the tomb of the nobleman Sneferu-Ankh-Shepses.
Now we move on to
The display case of vessels.
This case is divided into three sections: on the left, a collection of pottery vessels; on the right, a collection of stone vessels; and in the middle, pieces of metalwork and jewelry.
What is the common feature of everything in this case? Without doubt, all of these objects were made for the wealthy upper class or the ruling elite. This is clear from the high quality of workmanship, the decoration, and the materials used.
True, pottery was a cheap material and could also be used by poorer people, but they never had pottery of this quality or with such fine decoration. Stone vessels, which began to be used as early as 5000 BC, were certainly more expensive and restricted to the elite. The same applies to the jewelry, made of precious and semi-precious stones and metals.
Here, for example, is
an alabaster libation vessel
used in funerary and purification rituals. Another piece is a black granite dish resembling the sun disk—possibly used for religious purposes. There is also an alabaster jar from the 6th Dynasty, with two handles; the left handle is shaped like a cobra, and even the lid is decorated with a cobra motif, clearly for protection. We do not know exactly what was stored in this jar, but we know it was a royal gift to the wife of a nobleman.
This vessel is a true work of art—handmade, not turned on a lathe. It may have been filled with water and used for flowers. Nearby is a small alabaster jar, showing the great skill of the craftsman in producing such a delicate handmade piece. It may have been a liquid measure, perhaps used in preparing perfumes.
We also see a small wide-mouthed granite jar, probably for aromatic ointments, and a very distinctive black granite vessel of a type seen also in the Luxor Museum. It belongs to the Predynastic Period. Its tiny handle perforations suggest it was tied with string and hung up—possibly to store something that needed to be kept safe from rodents or damp. Flinders Petrie even called this type of vessel the “hanging vessel.” A similar example was found at Karnak, but that does not necessarily mean Karnak was prosperous in the 1st Dynasty; more likely, such vessels were later offered as votives to the temple.
Another small alabaster vessel, with its thin walls and perfect rounded form, makes us wonder what tools the craftsman used in that early age. There is also a plain granite vessel, possibly Predynastic, without decoration. We see several alabaster dishes—one bearing the name of King Nit, another from calcite (alabaster/marble), and a third very thin-walled deep dish that has no flat base, meaning it may have been for display or perhaps hung by a cord, as its rim shape allows for that.
We also find
stone cosmetic containers,
used for ointments or cosmetics, and more small jars for the same purpose.
Moving on to the
metalwork:
Copper was one of the earliest metals used in Egypt, extracted from the Eastern Desert and, in particular, from Sinai at Serabit el-Khadim and Gebel el-Maghara. Egyptians knew copper from the beginning of the Chalcolithic (Stone-Copper Age)—a transitional period when small copper tools were made alongside traditional stone tools. That is why it is sometimes called the “Chalcolithic” or “Early Metal Age.”
The earliest known culture of this period is the Badarian Culture (around 4500 BC), which was followed by the dynastic era. Thus, the Chalcolithic represents the final stage of the Stone Age and the beginning of metal use.
During the Dynastic Period, small but beautiful copper statues of kings were produced. The most famous are the statues of King Pepi I and his son Merenre, from the 6th Dynasty, now in the Egyptian Museum in Tahrir Square. The statue of Pepi I is the largest copper statue found so far. There are references in the annals of King Khasekhemwy of the 2nd Dynasty to copper statues being made for him too, although none survive. Still, these references show the importance of copper from the very beginning of the dynasties.
In this display are also
copper tools and weapons:
daggers, spearheads, arrowheads, chisels for cutting stone, and awls for leatherwork. The Naqada people, in particular, expanded the use of copper, making spoons, small vessels, lids for jars, chisels, blades, and weapons. The Maadi people also made fishhooks and needles from copper, and archaeologists even found copper ingots there, as well as chisels, showing their advanced metalworking skills.
We even discovered copper needles in a 1st Dynasty burial.
Over time, copper and then bronze replaced stone for making weapons like spears and arrows. The way these weapons were mounted on wooden shafts was also improved. By the New Kingdom, Egypt was importing very large quantities of copper from Asia.
This is confirmed by an inscription of Amenhotep II, son of Thutmose III, who wrote that he was given sheets of Asiatic copper—yellow in color, apparently harder than Egyptian copper—and that his arrows were strong enough to pierce right through them.
This vessel is finely crafted from copper and was used to store liquids for rituals and ceremonies. Here too we see a pot, similar in form to the traditional Egyptian fūl pot, also made of copper, and likely used in ritual practices. This type of pot is called a nu-vessel. Next to it is another wide-mouthed copper vessel, and here we have a nemes vessel, which was used in purification and ritual ceremonies. In some examples of nemes vessels, the spout is absent, unlike the one we see here.
This piece is a weight from the standard system of ancient measures.
In the display case we also find inlaid eyes, which were inserted into statues and the walls of coffins, as we will see later in the museum. These were made of copper and inlaid with semi-precious stones—such as obsidian for the pupil, to represent the black of the eye, and alabaster for the white. The eyelid frames, as we see, were made of copper.
Here we have a mirror, also made of copper, though it has lost its handle, which was probably wooden. Copper mirrors were first produced at the beginning of the dynastic period and continued in use until the end of the Roman era. You may recall that in the Holy of Holies of the Dendera Temple, we saw a depiction on both sides of the doorway showing the king offering two polished copper mirrors to Hathor, the goddess of beauty. This shows that mirrors were presented as offerings to the gods at least until the Ptolemaic period.
Now we come to the section devoted to
jewelry.
In the center we see golden pieces: a broad collar, a belt, and bracelets, all made of hammered gold. Here too is a necklace composed of fifty golden scarabs, as well as anklets made of gold, faience, and precious or semi-precious stones. All of these pieces date to the First Intermediate Period and were found at Nag el-Deir and Kom el-Hisn.
Next, we move to the section of
pottery,
one of the oldest industries known to humanity, and especially to the people of the Nile Valley. They discovered that their environment provided clay, a material much easier to shape and work than stone, which required great effort and time. When fired, clay became durable and more practical.
Early humans had very limited needs, but once agriculture was developed and harvests increased, there arose a need for containers to store produce. Thus baskets were invented, woven from plant stalks. Modern studies suggest that basketry preceded pottery. Pottery may have originated when farmers began coating baskets with clay to make them watertight. By chance, one of these clay-coated baskets was burned, leaving behind hardened clay—the earliest form of pottery. While the exact sequence of events is uncertain, this is one of the theories scholars put forward.
In the Neolithic period, pottery forms multiplied, often decorated with designs suited to the artistic taste of the age. From that time onward, pottery continued to develop throughout Egyptian history, never disappearing in any era.
At Merimde Beni Salama, primitive pottery was discovered: coarse, unpolished, undecorated at first. Later examples were engraved with fishbone-like patterns, protrusions around the rim, or side handles either for carrying or as decoration. Some pots had holes at the rim so they could be hung, while others had flat bases to rest on surfaces. Still others were pointed, designed to be set into stands.
At Deir Tasa, pottery showed remarkable variety. The people of Tasa became known for vessels with wide mouths, resembling tulip flowers. Some were given a shiny black finish, and their pots were decorated with wavy patterns, straight or slanting lines made with comb-like tools or pieces of fiber. They also used geometric decorations like rectangles and triangles, sometimes filled with white paste such as gypsum.
At Badari, potters also excelled. Their vessels were swollen in shape, often thin-walled, and included the polished black pottery and the so-called “black-topped ware.” They imitated Tasa designs with simple scratches and wavy lines, but they also introduced a distinctive feature: decorating the inside of vessels—areas normally unseen—such as the bases, with plant motifs or crosshatched lines. On the outer surfaces, they made only shallow incisions, unlike the deeper cuts of Tasa pottery.
It’s important to note that these incised decorations had a practical purpose: they created a rough surface so the vessel would not slip from wet hands.
In the earliest days, pottery was produced without the potter’s wheel. Many references state that the potter’s wheel first appeared in Mesopotamia and was introduced into Egypt during the Old Kingdom, specifically in the Fourth Dynasty. However, there is some debate. Petrie suggested its first use was in making large storage jars at the royal workshops of the First Dynasty. George Reisner dated the earliest wheel-made pottery to the reign of King Sekhemib and the accession of Snefru. Later, Henri Frankfort stated that the potter’s wheel was not widely used in Egypt until the Fourth Dynasty.
Alfred Lucas, Carter’s assistant, in his book Materials and Industries of the Ancient Egyptians, describes this debate in detail. He notes that while the wheel was known earlier, it was not until the Fourth Dynasty that it was widely adopted. This expansion coincided with an agricultural boom that required large storage jars for crops, as well as vessels for ritual use and temple service.
This is a
pottery vessel from Naqada II,
dating to around 3500 BC. Its decoration shows crocodiles and a plant growing vertically—possibly papyrus. What’s striking is the geometric cross-hatched patterns drawn with great precision on the backs of the crocodiles.
This piece resembles another from the same period that is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the U.S. The difference is in the rim: the vessel in the Egyptian Museum has a rim decorated with regular geometric designs, while the Metropolitan’s vessel is decorated near the top with groups of three diagonal lines—a motif that later appeared in hieroglyphs as the sign for the plural.
Here we see another
Naqada II vessel (3500 BC),
decorated with wavy, broken lines—perhaps representing the water the vessel was meant to contain. This type of decoration spread across Egypt, especially in the Naqada region, as shown on the map before you.
This vessel is also noteworthy, though its exact use remains unknown. It consists of two jars joined together, clearly designed to be suspended or carried on a stand, perhaps used in ritual ceremonies. It dates to Naqada I (3700 BC).
Another jar from Naqada I (3700 BC) shows a wavy, intersecting design. It is the twin of a jar now in the Metropolitan Museum.
Here is
a jar in the shape of a fish.
Its function is uncertain. It has an opening at the top and another at the side. Some references suggest it was used as a lamp, with oil inside and a wick placed in the second hole, though there are no traces of soot. Other sources suggest it was used to carry beer, while another theory holds it was a kind of whistle: when air is blown into one hole, it exits through the other, producing a sound. Interestingly, similar vessels have been found in ancient South Asian civilizations, where they were used as whistles for hunting birds.
Here is a
plain pottery jar
that, on closer inspection, reveals fine geometric incisions. These may have been marks indicating the jar’s contents.
This is a black pottery vessel with incised decoration from Deir Tasa. Another piece has a wide mouth and a side spout, perhaps a drinking cup for a child because of its small size.
This is another undecorated vessel from Naqada I (3700 BC). And here we have a piece from Deir Tasa, the so-called black-topped pottery.
Leaving the pottery cases, we now move to the
writing section.
At the Temple of Abydos, a famous scene shows Prince Ramesses II standing beside his father, Seti I, holding a papyrus scroll. The accompanying text describes the prince as “reading praises” to the king.
This scene tells us something important about education at the time: the text emphasizes that the young Ramesses was able to read written words, while his father listened. Of course, Seti I was also literate, but royal protocol required that documents be read aloud to the king.
In the same scene, we find a list of earlier Egyptian rulers. Writing their names in hieroglyphs reflected the ancient belief that the name was one of the essential components of a person, just like the body, the soul (ba), the life force (ka), and the shadow (shut). The greatest punishment one could suffer after death was to have their name defaced or erased from statues and tomb walls.
All ancient Egyptian texts emphasize the power of the written word. A written name, without doubt, ensured the remembrance of its owner. Magical spells and texts inscribed on temple walls or written on papyri placed in coffins were believed to guarantee a happy afterlife.
For the ancient Egyptians, the written word had extraordinary magical power.
The earliest texts we have from the First and Second Dynasties are simple: inscriptions on jars, boxes, and commodity labels, noting contents and quantities. Seals, like the ones we see here in the case, marked ownership—whether royal or private—in a direct and straightforward way. These tags and seals were the earliest beginnings of Egyptian writing.
So, how exactly did the Egyptian language come to be written
To begin with, we must understand that hieroglyphic writing was an original Egyptian invention. It was unique to Egypt and was not borrowed from any other civilization.
In the Old and Middle Kingdoms, hieroglyphic signs were written with extraordinary accuracy and skill. Yet, they expressed only simple ideas, in short and clear sentences. Later on, the meanings, vocabulary, and grammar developed, and foreign languages began to influence ancient Egyptian.
Hieroglyphic writing itself was extremely demanding, since every symbol in the script had its own distinct form. This meant that scribes spent a great deal of time just to write correctly. Writing also required patience because the characters were often colored, as we can see on the stone here in the case.
For this reason, hieroglyphic writing was mainly reserved for official and religious texts. It was not practical for everyday use. Scribes already felt this as early as the First Dynasty, which is why they developed the hieratic script—a cursive form of hieroglyphs that freed them from the rigid shapes of traditional signs.
Interestingly, though, hieroglyphic writing itself never disappeared. It continued in use throughout all of Egyptian history. By the 12th Dynasty, hieroglyphs reached their peak of precision and beauty, while at the very same time the hieratic script declined in quality.
Why this opposite trend? The reason is clear: during the 12th Dynasty, Egypt reached a cultural and political high point, and this was reflected in the arts—statue-making, sculpture, relief carving—and of course in the refinement of hieroglyphic writing.
Meanwhile, the growing bureaucracy of the Middle Kingdom demanded constant production of written documents to be stored in the state archives. This led to the expansion of scribal schools, which trained writers on a scale never seen before.
In the New Kingdom, cultural life expanded further. The range of subjects to be recorded widened—accounts, reports, memoirs, and more. In time, this gave rise to the demotic script, created to keep pace with social and administrative change.
There is no doubt that education in Egypt was mostly vocational—a skilled craftsman training a younger generation. But the scribal profession stood apart: it was considered the best path to a bright future. A young Egyptian who could read and write had a guaranteed place in the state bureaucracy and the chance to rise in rank.
The only qualification for government service was literacy, since administration depended entirely on recording and reading documents, mostly written on papyrus. State officials surveyed and measured agricultural fields, assessed harvests, and collected taxes. The scribes themselves managed this work—and were exempt from paying taxes, since their “tribute” to the state was their writing.
One of the most beautiful surviving papyri contains a father’s advice to his son on choosing a career. He urged him to become a scribe, listing its advantages:
- “The scribe is the one who remembers everything.
- He records accounts.
- The whole army relies on him.
- He stands before the judges and the Pharaoh.
- He assigns every man his place.
- He manages all the land.
- Every task is carried out under his direction.”
Being a scribe was not just copying or recording. It was closer to the role of a modern secretary or administrator. Senior officials proudly carried the title “scribe” throughout their lives, and it always appeared at the top of their official titles.
Scribes worked directly for the Pharaoh, or for religious institutions such as temples. Others served in prestigious posts, the highest being that of vizier, entrusted with some of the king’s own powers. But for these higher offices, reading and writing alone were not enough. A scribe aspiring to senior state office also had to master many fields—agriculture, architecture, arts and crafts, and even foreign policy—depending on the position.
Royal scribes had direct access to the Pharaoh. They filled the most important government posts, in the chancery and treasury. Senior officials also employed their own scribes and assistants, and thus over time Egypt developed a highly educated bureaucracy that ran the country for centuries.
Of course, bureaucracy had its flaws, but its benefits far outweighed them. It gave Egypt one of the most advanced levels of order and civilization in the ancient world. Whenever control over this vast administrative system weakened, chaos spread across the country—civil wars, famine, and sometimes foreign invasion.
Egyptian society as a whole was deeply attached to tradition and inheritance. Sons inherited their fathers’ trades: artisans trained their children in the same craft, scribes trained their sons to become scribes, farmers taught their children to farm. Still, many families hoped their children might rise higher—by learning to write and becoming scribes themselves.
The upper social class just below the Pharaoh included high officials, nobles, large landowners, and priests. Beneath them was the class of the governed—workers, craftsmen, fishermen, sailors, herders, and servants.
Now, look at this sign before you: it represents writing in hieroglyphs. It shows a roll of papyrus. The hieroglyph for “scribe” was pronounced sesh. Notice how it depicts all the scribe’s tools: a writing palette, black and red ink cakes, water containers, reed brushes, and the brush holder.
This sign could also serve as the verb “to write.”
So, who was the scribe? Officially, “the one who can write.” But in reality, his role was much broader. The duties of a priestly scribe were different from those of scribes in administration, accounts, or the army.
The army had its own scribes, who recorded everything about the soldiers, their weapons, and the supplies they needed. These military scribes also acted as historians, writing accounts of the battles.
Let’s look at the objects related to writing in this showcase.
Here we have a statue of a scribe whose name we don’t know, because the statue bears no inscription. The scribe is seated cross-legged – the classic posture for scribes in ancient Egypt – and on his lap is a papyrus scroll he is reading. Notice that his ears are not visible, unlike the famous seated scribe statue in the Egyptian Museum in Tahrir, because here he is reading, not writing, and so he holds no pen in his hand. This statue is made of granite, found at Saqqara, and dates back to the 5th Dynasty.
In the case we also see a collection of labels and seals. This is one of the tags that used to be attached to vessels containing goods – whether beer, wine, oils, milk, or solid goods like wheat, barley, and other products. The vast majority of these tags were used primarily for jars of wine, since wine was stored and transported in large quantities. These tags are considered the earliest form of writing in ancient Egypt. At Abydos, labels were found attached to jars dating back to the 1st Dynasty.
The labels could be made of ivory, wood, stone, or other materials, and each had a hole so it could be tied to the vessel. They contained information about the product, year of production, source, and quality. This shows that as early as the 1st Dynasty, there was already an official supervisory system for product quality in Egypt. However, these labels used a short, concise writing style understood across Egypt, which means the writing system was already fully developed at that time. This suggests that attempts at writing must have begun much earlier than 3200 BC. By 3200 BC, at the start of the 1st Dynasty, writing was already in its final stage, which must have been preceded by a long preparatory period.
The use of such labels continued throughout Egyptian history and was an excellent way to date artifacts. Some of the most famous labels are on display today in the National Museum of Egyptian Civilization, including examples from Predynastic times and the early dynasties found at Abydos.
Also in the case we see clay seal impressions. Sometimes they are called “clay seals,” but the more accurate term is “impressions,” because they were made by pressing hard seals onto lumps of clay that sealed jars or tied ropes. For example, seal impressions were found on the doors of Tutankhamun’s shrines in his tomb at Thebes. These impressions are extremely valuable because they provide important historical information, and their presence intact at the entrance of any tomb means that the tomb had not been disturbed since burial.
Clay sealings were also used in temples. The high priest would seal the naos of the divine statue in the sanctuary after daily rituals, placing a clay seal that he alone could break the next day. He also sealed the doors of the Holy of Holies daily.
As for the cylinder seals you see in the showcase, it is believed that they came to Egypt from Mesopotamia, but they acquired a distinct Egyptian character. Their themes are no different from those of the wooden or ivory labels, and they hold great historical and artistic importance. Some were engraved with references to historical events, festivals, and even included Horus-names and royal titles. Certain seals were also used as personal seals representing individuals, not just official or commemorative seals.
Also here in the case are amulets of the god Thoth – the deity of writing, wisdom, science, and calculation in ancient Egypt. His name still survives in the Coptic calendar month “Tout.” His main cult center was Hermopolis (modern el-Ashmunein near Mallawi). Thoth is depicted with a human body and the head of an ibis.
At Tuna el-Gebel, archaeologists found entire cemeteries of mummified ibises, the sacred bird of Thoth, as well as baboons, another animal sacred to him. This is where the ibis gained the folk nickname “Abu Qirdan” (father of baboons). It is no coincidence that this bird was chosen to represent Thoth. In the Egyptian countryside, the ibis was considered the “farmer’s friend” because it fed on insects and worms that harmed crops. The ancient Egyptians observed how it stood in a thoughtful pose, then suddenly struck its beak into the soil to catch a worm – leading them to believe it possessed magical powers and knowledge beyond human capacity. Thus, it became the god of wisdom and magic.
Because of its crescent-shaped beak, Thoth was also linked to the moon, serving as the counterpart of Ra: Ra illuminated the world by day, Thoth by night. His ability to move swiftly made him the messenger of the gods, carrying their commands to both humans and deities. He was regarded as the bearer of divine words, the master of spells, eloquence, and law.
In the “Myth of the Destruction of Mankind,” Ra chose no one but Thoth to persuade Hathor to stop her furious destruction of humanity. Thoth played a board game (senet) with her, relying on intellect and calculation, and defeated her five times in a row. As a result, Hathor agreed to return to Egypt and bring joy during the five epagomenal days of the year.
In the Pyramid Texts – the oldest funerary corpus in Egyptian history – Thoth is already mentioned as a funerary god helping the deceased kings in the afterlife. Surprisingly, however, his detailed attributes as a funerary deity do not appear until later periods, when he rose to become the chief god of Hermopolis. From there his worship spread across all Egypt, and his sacred ibis became universally revered. Killing the bird, even by accident, was punishable by death.
Among the titles given to Thoth was “the Reckoner,” for he calculated the regnal years of kings (recorded on palm branches), measured the lifespan of humans, and presided over the judgment of souls in the tribunal of Osiris. He is often shown standing by the scales where the heart of the deceased was weighed.
A curious reference comes from the Turin Papyrus, which lists ten gods along with their lifespans. Thoth is included, with an age of 3,726 years at the time the papyrus was written. We do not know how they calculated this, but it reflects the mythological dimension of Thoth.
In the Ptolemaic period, when the Greeks arrived at Hermopolis, they compared Thoth to their god Hermes, as both were divine messengers and associated with writing. Thus, Hermopolis means “the city of Hermes.” His consort was often Ma’at, goddess of truth and order, though in other traditions he was linked to Seshat, goddess of writing and measurements.
Also in the showcase are amulets of Thoth, the lord of writing. They may have been worn by worshippers or priests of Thoth.
In the case we also find a hieroglyphic inscription from the Old Kingdom, carved on limestone. It is a list of offerings of food and drink meant to benefit the deceased in the afterlife. The signs are painted in color and written vertically, from top to bottom.
Next to it is a papyrus from the Old Kingdom written in the cursive hieratic script. It mentions certain donations offered to the temple and refers to a priestly office to be filled. This papyrus is one of the oldest in existence, since surviving papyri from the Old Kingdom are extremely
As we can see here, there are also some fragments of pottery with hieroglyphic marks, perhaps parts of royal names. We see shapes of falcons, birds, fish, and arrowheads. These pieces date back to the 3rd Dynasty and are made of pottery as well.
We also find some stone vessel fragments bearing royal names, titles, names of royal sons, priests, scribes, and sculptors. These pieces also go back to the Old Kingdom, 3rd Dynasty.
Now we come to the tools of writing. If we wish to speak about the writing tools used by the Egyptian scribe throughout history, the first thing to mention is the writing palette. On this palette, brushes were placed—these served as writing pens.
On the palette, as we see here in the showcase, there are two small depressions containing dried pigment tablets. A small vessel of water was used so the scribe could dissolve the pigments: red and black, the two main colors used for writing.
The ancient Chinese also used these two colors. The black ink was made from carbon—either local charcoal or soot collected from cooking vessels. The ancient Egyptian scraped and ground this soot into a fine powder, then mixed it with a diluted gum solution. The red ink was prepared from red iron oxide—hematite—crushed into powder and also mixed with a gum solution.
The inks were then dried into tablets, placed in the palette’s cavities, and later reactivated simply by adding water. The scribes also used other colors for decorative purposes, such as blue and green pigments extracted from copper.
The brushes and pens were made from the stems of the semar mur plant, a reed-like plant that grew wild around pools and swamps. The stems measured about 1.5 to 2.5 mm in diameter, and the brushes or pens were between 16 and 23 cm in length. One end was cut at an angle like a chisel, then chewed to separate the fibers—producing a fine brush tip for writing.
The ancient Egyptians also used pens made from reed (higanna), similar to reed pens still used today in Arabic calligraphy. However, these reed pens only appeared in Egypt in the late 3rd century BC during the Ptolemaic period. Before that, brushes were the main tools.
On the writing palette we also see a hieroglyphic sign—this is the palette itself, as used by scribes. To the right is a reed pen case made from a thick reed stalk, hollowed out to hold pens, closed at the bottom and covered at the top with a cloth stopper. To the left is the wooden palette with two cavities for black and red ink. Between them, a thin string tied all the parts together, and a small water vessel was added to moisten the ink or erase mistakes.
In truth, very few pens survive from the Old Kingdom. The best-preserved examples of writing tools came from the tomb of Tutankhamun, which I will explain in another video. Among them are ink-preparation dishes made of slate, used to grind black and red pigments.
Here we also see a pen case containing reed pens and cavities for ink. The box before us in the showcase contained papyrus scrolls, reed pens, and small pieces of black and red pigment. On the lid are inscriptions—lists of names and accounts. This box is from the Old Kingdom. The glass dishes here contain colored mineral oxides.
Now we come to a very important statue of a well-known figure of the Old Kingdom. This man lived under King Menkaure of the 4th Dynasty and survived into the 5th Dynasty. His name was Ptahshepses. Ptahshepses means “the noble” or “the wealthy.”
Although he was not of royal blood, he married the daughter of King Shepseskaf, the last king of the 4th Dynasty—something unprecedented at the time. Never before had a commoner, even a wealthy one, married a royal princess.
According to the inscriptions in his grand tomb at Abusir, Ptahshepses claimed he was raised in the royal palace during the reign of Menkaure, and educated under Shepseskaf, who later gave him his eldest daughter, Khamaat, in marriage. Ptahshepses recorded in his tomb that the king judged it better that she be with him than with another man.
Up to the 4th Dynasty, only royal princes held the office of vizier. The ruling class was distinct from commoners. But this marriage marked a turning point at the end of the 4th Dynasty. It was the beginning of the rise of the noble and official class, which grew stronger in the 5th and 6th Dynasties, eventually leading to the independence of provincial governors in the First Intermediate Period.
This marriage was a break with tradition. The royal family believed in the divinity of their kings, and succession passed through the queen. The king’s chief wife was the legitimate heiress, making her husband king by marriage. Thus, the throne was inherited through the female line.
Although Ptahshepses married the daughter of the last king of the 4th Dynasty, he did not become king himself. The reasons are unknown, though he was very close to the throne. Instead, he continued to serve five 5th Dynasty kings as a high official.
His tomb inscriptions tell us that the dynastic change from the 4th to the 5th Dynasty did not affect his standing at court. He remained close to Userkaf, the 5th Dynasty’s founder, and to Sahure, serving as Sahure’s secretary and sole companion. He bore the title “Director of Works.” Later, he served Neferirkare, Neferefre, and Niuserre, who appointed him vizier.
Niuserre even honored him uniquely: when Ptahshepses entered the royal presence, he was not required to prostrate himself and kiss the ground, but was permitted instead to kiss the king’s foot. For a commoner, this was an extraordinary privilege, recorded proudly in his tomb.
Thus, Ptahshepses, whose statue stands before us, served seven kings, lived to old age, and was buried in a splendid tomb. His tomb at Abusir was discovered by Mariette, later re-excavated by de Morgan in 1893. It lies near the pyramid of Sahure and is currently closed.
The granite statue here once stood in the Imhotep Museum at Saqqara but was transferred to this museum. Other statues of Ptahshepses are also displayed. A non-royal statue carved in granite is itself proof of his extraordinary rank at court.
[The translation continues with descriptions of other statues of nobles, scribes, and officials of the 5th and 6th Dynasties, their roles, titles, family connections, and the evolution of non-royal tombs and art in the Old Kingdom.]
Here we also have two limestone stelae with a ḫrp-scepter placed between them.
On one of the stelae, we see the priest Ibu-nesut, wearing the leopard skin garment typical of priests. Ibu-nesut was one of the priests of the goddess Hathor, and he is shown holding the ḫrp-scepter, which was used to purify offerings when touched to them, accompanied by ritual prayers.
The second, smaller stela belongs to another priest named Sneb, and beside it we see an actual wooden ḫrp-scepter displayed between the two stelae.
Next to them, the small head belongs to the vizier Ptahshepses, whom we already spoke about. He was educated in the royal court during the reign of King Menkaure and married the king’s daughter, Khamerernebty the Elder. Even after the royal family changed in the 5th Dynasty, Ptahshepses retained his high status at court, serving seven kings across the 4th and 5th Dynasties, and he died as vizier.
Here are fragments of two statues whose owners are unknown, but they clearly date to the Old Kingdom.
We also see a group of wooden statues, including two nude male figures. These are often interpreted as representing rebirth and resurrection, just as a child is born naked from its mother. There are also two statues of unnamed priests, one of which may depict Ishi, the royal seal bearer. This statue was found in the shaft of his tomb.
Nearby is a group of five statues of an official and his family. The lady on the right is Nebnetka, carved in painted limestone. She bore titles granted by the king and was the wife of the man at the far left, a priest named Iha (his name meaning “the warrior”).
Between Nebnetka and Iha are three more statues:
- A seated alabaster statue of the chanting priest Khenu,
- A standing wooden statue of the royal purification priest Taem-iset,
- And a seated limestone statue of an unknown man.
In addition, there are two painted limestone statues: the taller one of the noble Ptahshepses, already mentioned, and the smaller one of the official Pitekty, supervisor of the granaries.
On the far left, there are three statues: one of granite and two of limestone. Their owners are unknown, but the fine craftsmanship suggests they were high-ranking officials.
We now move to the storage vessels display case.
These large pottery jars, like the tall one we see here, were commonly used for storing wine (hence the modern term “wine jars”), though in reality they were used to store oils, liquids, and grains. Some jars bear inscribed marks added by the ancient Egyptians, indicating their contents, origin, type, or shelf life.
The tall jar here, from the 1st or 2nd Dynasty and found at Helwan, has several carved symbols dating back over 4000 years, showing that it once contained wheat.
In the same case is a granite statue of the scribe Kheftka from the 5th Dynasty. He was the “Chief of the Festival Hall.” We saw earlier a statue of another official with the same title, Iti-ti-ankh-ires. The owner of this statue, though his head is missing, boasts in his tomb texts that he was “beloved of his master.” Though not a scribe by profession, he chose to be represented in scribe form, proud of his literacy. This statue was found at Saqqara.
The pottery vessels displayed here were mostly found in the tombs of nobles at Qubbet el-Hawa, Aswan, dating to the 6th Dynasty. More than 2000 jars were discovered there, inscribed in hieratic with the names and titles of the deceased’s relatives and friends, along with the offerings they made.
In the tomb of the noble Sobekhotep, one jar even records the exact cost he paid to build his father’s tomb, as well as the offerings he made for his mother and those his son made for him. This reflects the deep family ties in Old Kingdom Egypt.
Another limestone stela here, known as the Stela of the Noble Wgai, is inscribed with two rows of painted hieroglyphs, bearing the traditional offering formula. Offerings were always presented in the king’s name, and here they are made to Osiris and Khenty-amentiou. According to his tomb inscriptions, Wgai was the “true overseer of Upper Egypt,” which suggests that some held honorary titles while he had the actual authority. This stela was found at Abydos and dates to the 6th Dynasty.
There is also another headless statue depicting the scribe Hesy, known to the king as “overseer of nobles.” He is shown cross-legged, reading a papyrus scroll. Again, although not a professional scribe, he chose to be represented this way to boast of his education. This limestone statue is from the 5th Dynasty and was also found at Saqqara.
Now we move to the stone vessels case. I won’t repeat everything I said earlier about the appearance and long use of stone vessels in funerary and daily contexts, especially among the elite. Instead, let’s move to the last section: the Copper Tomb display.
This is the final display in Gallery 1 of the Grand Egyptian Museum: the finds from the Copper Tomb at Saqqara.
Discovered in Tomb S 4371, dating to the 1st Dynasty, it consists of underground chambers cut into the rock. Inside were the tomb’s funerary equipment, including 700 copper vessels, ingots, and tools.
This was a major discovery, since no other tomb contained such a huge quantity of metalwork from the Early Dynastic Period. Hence it was nicknamed the “Copper Tomb.”
Recall that the largest known copper statue from ancient Egypt is that of King Pepi I from the 6th Dynasty, displayed in the Egyptian Museum in Tahrir. But here we have copper objects 500 years older, going back to the transition from the Chalcolithic (Copper Age) to the early dynasties.
Egyptians first knew copper as early as the Badarian culture (4400 BCE). They extracted it mainly from Sinai, while brass (yellow copper) was imported from Asia.
In the Tod Treasure, four copper chests were found containing golden and silver vessels inscribed with the name of King Amenemhat II (Middle Kingdom).
Copper was also used to make mirrors for middle-class women, and green pigments derived from copper compounds were used as eye kohl.
From the very beginning of the dynastic age, tools such as adzes, chisels, drills, and knives with wooden handles were crafted in copper. Some may also have had ritual uses in temples.
The Copper Tomb also contained about 70 finely made copper vessels, including jugs and bowls, as well as copper ingots stored to ensure the deceased had an unlimited supply of metalwork in the afterlife.
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